Date these photos please?

[David_Hayward (RIP)]

Can we date these photos please? I have lost the confirmation when my PC crashed.

Note the 1938 15-cwt. GS truck in the background in the May 1940 parade...this was chassis number 815312825 originally D.N.D. Z 38-1-20 allocated new to ‘B’ BATTERY [KINGSTON, ONTARIO]. I cannot believe after all the evidence that the truck in the February 1940 photograph in February 1940 in Delville Barracks, Cove, Hampshire with a broken right headlamp and Ontario number plates was other than this truck. The Seaforth Highlanders of Canada, who were brigaded with the PPCLI, used it. Its driver at the time was Private George Kenyon. This truck, repainted into service green and allocated the WD style number CZ42.... was photographed and its picture appears in Dr Gregg's book being viewed by the Earl of Athlone.



These must be Ford F15s....but when? June 1940?

[Mark W. Tonner]

Hi David;

Again, I had originally sent you these images last Fall. The first photo, troops on parade - West Nova Scotia Regiment - Aldershot, 23rd April, 1940.

The second photo was taken in the Spring of 1940 and again, I remember that you identified them has Fords.

Cheers

[Garry Shipton (RIP)]

David,don't know where you got this photo but the guy just right(looking up)from the soldier in the right front rank(left in the photo),looking up his arm is my D-Day Dodger.Somewhere I have a photo of his section(wearing full combat(over their overcoats)being inspected by none other than Mackenzie King-What a revelation.Thanks buddy.Appreciaate the photo.

[David_Hayward (RIP)]

That's what we are all here for...trying to rectify the loss of information when my PC crashed and pulling rabbits out of hats!
If it wasn't for this forum I would never have known about all this information that I need clarification on. I just cannot believe even now that we can re-write history 60 plus years after the event.

By the way note the Bedford MW trucks in the Aldershot parade.

[David_Hayward (RIP)]

Mark, can you please remind me of the source of these photos? You mentioned books of course!!

Gary, I have never heard of the expression "D-Day Dodger" before. Can you tell me more about where the saying came from perhaps? We used to live in Locks Heath about a mile away from Warsash on the River Hamble. There is a memorial there to the troops that embarked at that point for Normandy. Of course Southampton, further up the Southampton Water where there is a municipal park was also a major embarkation point but there is only the Mayflower memorial I think.

[Garry Shipton (RIP)]

The term was penned as a nickname for the 1st Canadian Division who fought in the Sicily/Italy campaign under the Eighth Army for 23 months because they were not part of the Normandy landings..They were secretly pulled out of the campaign after the D-Day landings,whereby they joined up with the 2nd,3rd, & 4th Divisions I believe in Holland to become the 1st Canadian Army,finally fighting under that designation,for the first time.All the news concentrated on the other divisons who landed in Normandy,& I saw somewhere that the 1st Div troops with tongue in cheek referred to these Div's as the "Glory Boys"as the !st had been in action in the Med for all that time without getting much ink.My dad used the term all the time after the war.The West Novas in the photo were I think part of the 1st Div if the photo dates 1940,others on the forum may add or correct me on this.

[David_Hayward (RIP)]

Interesting...no fascinating about the 1st Division. As you know these landed in winter 1939...this is the information that I have:

"I Canadian Corps
The 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade, as the first component of 1st Canadian Infantry Division, embarked for the United Kingdom on 17 December 1939 and arrived at Greenock, Scotland on 25 December. It moved to Aldershot on arrival, but was sent to Northampton on 29 May 1940. It returned to Aldershot on 8 June 1940. The Brigade moved to France on 12 & 13 June 1940 and left there on 16-17 June for Aldershot. When the division moved to Oxford on 18 & 19 June 1940, the Brigade remained at Aldershot until 16 July 1940, when it rejoined the division in the Guildford-Westerham area of Surrey. The Brigade was rotated to the coast of Sussex for coast defence duties. By the autumn of 1941, it moved to the Sussex coast and remained with the division in Sussex until 3 June 1943, when it prepared to embark for Sicily. It embarked on 25 June and landed in Sicily on 10 July 1943.
2nd Canadian Infantry Brigade embarked for the United Kingdom on 22 December 1939 and arrived at Greenock, Scotland on 30 December. It moved to Aldershot on arrival. A force of two battalions of the Brigade (PPCLI and Edmonton Regiment) was selected for possible operations against Trondheim in Norway. This force left Aldershot on 18 April 1940 and moved to Dunfermline, Scotland on 19 April, but it was not used and returned to Aldershot. The Brigade was sent to Northampton on 29 May 1940. It returned to Aldershot on 8 June 1940. It moved to Oxford on 18 & 19 June 1940 with the division, but left there on 2 July 1940 for Guildford-Westerham area of Surrey. The Brigade was rotated to the coast of Sussex for coast defence duties. The Brigade (less the Seaforths) was mobilised for operations against Spitzbergen by 3/4 August 1941. It moved to Glasgow on 5 & 6 August from Surrey, but by 16 August most were returned to Surrey. Details of the Brigade (some Edmontons, Saskatoon LI and 3rd FC, RCE) left for Spitzbergen on 19 August and returned to the Clyde on 7/8 September. By the autumn of 1941, it moved to the Sussex coast and remained with the division in Sussex until 3 June 1943, when it prepared to embark for Sicily. It embarked on 28 June and landed in Sicily on 10 July 1943.
3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade embarked for the United Kingdom on 8 December 1939 and arrived at Greenock, Scotland on 17 December. It moved to Aldershot on arrival, but was sent to Northampton on 29 May 1940. It returned to Aldershot on 8 June 1940. The division moved to Oxford on 18 & 19 June 1940 and then to the Guildford-Westerham area of Surrey on 2 July 1940. The Brigade was rotated to the coast of Sussex for coast defence duties. By the autumn of 1941, it moved to the Sussex coast and remained with the division in Sussex until 3 June 1943, when it prepared to embark for Sicily. It embarked on 27 June and landed in Sicily on 10 July 1943".

"The 1st Canadian Army was raised in England on 1 April 1942 and by September 1942 most of its formations had arrived in the United Kingdom.
II Canadian Corps was formed on 14 January 1943 in the United Kingdom to complete a two-Corps Army".

It appears from my information that the West Nova Scotia Regiment were in the 3rd Infantry Brigade in 1942, so I assume that they were also part of the same Brigade in 1940...the dates of course then tally as they were in Aldershot at the time of the photo before they moved to Northampton.

[Mark W. Tonner]

Hi David;

Sources:

- The Armed Forces of Canada, 1867-1967, A Century of Achievement - Directorate of History - Canadian Forces Headquarters - Ottawa, 1967.

- Muskets to Missiles, A Pictorial History of Canada's Ground Forces - J.A. Foster - Methuen - Toronto, 1987

- Canada's Weekly - Canadian Active Service Force - Anniversary Number - Christmas 1940 - No. 3011, Vol. CXVI, Friday, December 20, 1940

Cheers

[Steve Guthrie]

Hi there

The term is usually attributed to British MP Lady Nancy Astor. The story goes she was concerned about the British army having enough men to fufill it's obligations for the 2nd Front and wondered why there was a shortage of trained troops in the UK when all those 'D-Day Dodgers' were laying about in Italy.

This is the story I heard.

Steve

[Garry Shipton (RIP)]

Steve,that's the story to a T.Have it somewhere in one of my books.Also,if I can find it I'll print the song that goes along with it

[Ted Gil]

The song D-Day Dodgers was recorded by the Clancy Brothers and Tommy Makem, an Irish Folk Song group in the 60's. No doubt many others have recorded the song, but their version was well done. I was a fan of this group (I guess this dates me) and have the album with this recording. The melody was taken from the German Army's song "Lilly Marlane" and also adopted by the British Army in their version "Lilly of the Lamplight".
Yes, it was Lady Astor who coined the phrase D-Day Dodgers and very little respect was given her by the British & Commonwealth forces in Italy, as shown in one of the verses from the song.

Dear Lady Astor, you think you know a lot
Standing on a platform talking tommy rot
You're England's sweetheart and her pride
We think your mouths to bloody wide
That's from your D-Day Dodgers in sunny Italy

Garry, if you can't find the remaining verses, I have the words to both songs, D-Day Dodgers and Lilly of the Lamplight and will gladly post them.

[Garry Shipton (RIP)]

I somewhere-been going thru some books,Farley Mowats' stories of Sicily/Italy & Ross Munro's "Gaunlet to Overlord",.He posts the Canadian version,referring to our troops personal gripes somewhere.Have the books in front of me as of typing.Now,where the H-ll's that song .

[Steve Guthrie]

Hi there

Here's the version from 'Songs from the Front and Rear: Canadian Serviceman's Songs of the Second World War'

We landed at Salerno, a holiday with pay
Jerry brought his bands out to cheer us on the way.
Showed us the sights and gave us tea,
We all sang songs, the beer was free
We are the D-Day Dodgers, in sunny Italy

Palermo and Cassino were taken in our stride,
We did not go to fight there, we just went for the ride.
Anzio and Sangro are just names,
We only went to look for dames.
We are the D-Day Dodgers, in sunny Italy

On our way to Florence, we had a lovely time,
We drove a bus from Rimini, right through the Gothic Line
Then to Bologna we did go,
We all went bathing in the Po
We are the D-Day Dodgers, in sunny Italy

We hear the boys in France are going home on leave,
After six months service, such shame they?re not relieved.
We were told to carry on a few more years,
Because our wives don?t shed not tears,
We are the D-Day Dodgers, in sunny Italy

There are other versions

Steve

[DaveCox]

Here's another version, to the tune of LILI MARLENE:

D-Day Dodgers

We’re the D-Day dodgers, out in Italy
Always on the vino, always on the spree
8th Army scroungers and their tanks
We live in Rome – among the Yanks
We are the D-Day Dodgers, way out in Italy

We landed at Salerno, a holiday with pay
Jerry brought the band down to cheer us on our way
We sung all the songs and the beer was free
We kissed all the girls in Napoli
We are the D-Day Dodgers, way out in Italy

The Volturno and Cassino were taken in our stride
We didn’t have to fight there, we just went for the ride
Anzio and Sangro were all forlorn
We didn’t do a thing from dusk to dawn
We are the D-Day Dodgers, way out in Italy

On our way to Florence we had a lovely time
We ran a bus to Rimini through the Gothic line
All the winter sports among the snow
Then we went bathing in the Po
We are the D-Day Dodgers, way out in Italy

Once we had a blue light that we were going home
Back to dear old Blighty never more to roam
Then somebody said in France you’ll fight
We said never mind we’ll just sit tight
The windy D-Day Dodgers in sunny Italy

Now Lady Astor get a load of this
Don’t stand on a platform and talk a lot of piss
You’re the nation’s sweetheart, the nation’s pride
But your lovely mouth is far too wide
For we are the D-Day Dodgers in sunny Italy

If you look around the mountains, through the mud and rain
You’ll find battered crosses, some which bear no name
Heartbreak, toil and suffering gone
The boys beneath just slumber on
They were the D-Day Dodgers of sunny Italy

So listen all you people, over land and foam
Even though we’ve parted, our hearts are close to home
When we return we hope you’ll say
You did you bit, though far away
All of the D-Day Dodgers are out in Italy

[Garry Shipton (RIP)]

Looked at the second photo on my office computer & confirm the little guy in the front middle is my dad.WOW!!Especially being the BIG guys on the march.

David, some of your information concerning the 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade is not correct. The Brigade did not come over to the UK in one lift as you seem to indicate. Elements of the Brigade were assembled at Val Cartier, The RCR and the Toronto Scottish were part of this group, and they sailed and arrived on the dates that you mentioned. A second group, the 48th Highlanders and others left Canada about a week later and arrived at Greenock New Years Eve 1939. The Toronto Scottish used brag about playing the 48th into Corunna Baracks. I have not checked the other movements that you mentioned up until 1943.
In April 1943 the 1st Brigade, the infantry units at least, traveled to Inverary Scotland to train for the invasion of Sicily. A and B Coys of the RCR shared Auchinleck Barracks with the 48th the rest of the units were billeted out.
There were two convoys that left the UK for Sicily they were known as the Fast and Slow convoys. The Fast convoy carried the Infantry units and left from Gourock Scotland on the 28th of June 1943.
The Slow convoy left from Liverpool I believe and carried the Transport and Artillery.

[David_Hayward (RIP)]

Art, the evidence I have posted is taken from a source on the web. However I have often felt that it is not 1000% correct and it does not mention in detail the regiments that went to France nor those embarked but not delivered by ship. My Pictorial History book in front of me has photos of troops disembarking in 1939, and then troops embarking from the 1st Division onto a ship, and then "French transport" carrying the 48th Highlanders and the Toronto Scottish across the Channel on the 16 June. I am therefore not certain about the accuracy of the dates of the sialings to France.

[David_Hayward (RIP)]

I have extracted the following information from Major Stacey's report/diary and I thought that this might stimulate comment. I need to know exactly who sailed for France and when because 1. I am fascinated by the enterprise, 2. they lost a quantity, say 50, Ford F15s [from memory], and 3. this asepct has never been made widely known:

"The Germans, however, did not turn against England. They occupied the shell of Dunkirk on 4 June; and the next day they launched a terrific assault upon the main French armies in the region of the Somme. If France was to be saved from collapse it was now essential to provide a new British Expeditionary Force to support her. There were few British troops left upon her soil, but it was resolved to despatch from England such further divisions as were sufficiently trained and equipped for the purpose, and to send Lieutenant-General Sir Alan Brooke to take command. The Canadians' rôle now changed again; they suddenly found themselves back in Aldershot, where on 8 June they had the honour of another visit by Their Majesties the King and Queen; and within a few days they were moving out on their way to France. Again their hopes were high; they might, perhaps, be vouchsafed a share in saving the situation, even at the eleventh hour. The situation, unfortunately, was past saving. In the event, only the leading elements of the First Canadian Division - one infantry brigade with its attached technical units and some artillery - actually trod the soil of France. Most of these troops landed at Brest on the morning of 14 June - the day on which the Germans marched into undefended Paris. The infantry immediately entrained and began to move up country towards the centre of operations, while their transport came on by road. By the early morning of the 15th the trains were approaching the appointed divisional concentration area. The men aboard them had no idea whatever of what was happening beyond their own range of vision. In fact, however, a discussion on the 14th between Generals Weygand, Georges and Brooke had resulted in the agreed conclusion that since organized resistance by the main French armies was virtually at an end it was hopeless to think of holding out in Brittany with the forces still available; and that evening the Cabinet in London had decided to order the withdrawal of the British forces through Cherbourg and Brest. The Canadian movement then in progress was immediately put in reverse. The new orders reached the Canadian infantry battalions in the small hours of the morning, through the mouths of French railway transport officers on the moonlit platforms of stations far in the interior. There was temporary doubt of their authenticity (for in those days false orders were only too common); but confirmation was sought and obtained from competent authority, and the various trains started back towards the coast. That which had penetrated farthest, carrying the brigade headquarters and a well-known Highland regiment, received the instructions at Sable-sur-Sarthe, rather more than 200 miles by rail from Brest. The troops felt some uncertainty as to the disposition and intentions of the train crew; but a Highland captain took up his station in the engine-cab, provided with both red wine and ready cash for the purpose of influencing the driver (while in the event of these arguments failing, there were men with sub-machine-guns in the tender); and the journey began, with "all ranks keen and ready for trouble" and the 27-car train "a veritable travelling fortress". Thus they clanked on through the countryside, expecting momentarily to collide with a German armoured column: a little moving island of Canadian territory, with the Third French Republic falling into ruin all about it. As things turned out, they got through without mishap, though by no means by the route intended; for (in consequence, it appears, of some flustered railway official en route handing the train crew the wrong orders) they came out on the coast, not at Brest, but at St. Malo. Luckily, however, there was a British transport in the harbour; and on the 16th these troops found themselves back at Aldershot yet once more. They had been in France a little less than forty-eight hours. The other units were duly carried back to Brest and thence to England; and the divisional commander, who had received news of the orders countermanding the movement while at an English port preparing to embark, had the satisfaction, after a considerable period of anxiety, of hearing that the whole of his advanced brigade-group, and the gunners, were safely back on British soil. No other Canadian troops had actually sailed, though many had been aboard ship ready to sail when the new orders
were received.



This was then qualified:

1. On 5 June 1940 the 1st Cdn Inf Bde Group (then in the NORTHAMPTON area with the rest of the CANADIAN FORCE) was warned for a move back to ALDERSHOT on 6 June; the remainder of 1 Cdn Div was to follow on 7 June. These movements were the result of the contemplated move to France, which had resumably been determined upon in view of the new German offensive which had just opened there. The troops of 1 Cdn Div began to leave ALDERSHOT for the coast on the night of 11-12 June. On 7 June it had been decided that the Division would go to France in four convoys, sailing on 11, 13, 15 and 17 June; the balance of the non-divisional troops would follow in another convoy on 18 June. The Canadians were to form part of a Corps being created under the command of Lt.-Gen. BROOKE, the other divisions being the 51st, already in France, and the 52nd, "now en route" (7 June).
2. Certain advanced units, including the road party of 1 Field Regt., landed at BREST on 12 June; while the main body of 1 Cdn Inf Bde Group, .... disembarked at the same port on 14 June, the day on which it was decided to "put the movement in reverse". The infantry units were re-embarked at ST. MALO and BREST and sailed on 16 June, the Field Regt. sailed from BREST on 17 June. This latter unit received the order to withdraw while in billets at PARCE, 6 mi. N.-E. of SABLE. The infantry got the news while still entrained: the HASTINGS AND PRINCE EDWARD REGIMENT at LAVAL, the 48TH HIGHLANDERS at SABLE, while the ROYAL CANADIAN REGIMENT notes, "The actual point reached is doubtful but it is believed to have been CHATEAU BRIANT".

The 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade Group got to France. The 1st Field Regt., R.C.A., grouped with the brigade for this operation, also crossed the Channel, and its road party was in France for five days. The infantry regiments involved were THE ROYAL CANADIAN REGIMENT, THE 48TH HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA, and THE HASTINGS AND PRINCE EDWARD REGIMENT......

On 2 July the Canadian Force moved to the GUILDFORD - WESTERHAM area, where 1 Cdn Div still remains (March 1941). I am told that these frequent moves led the Force to be labelled "McNaughton's Travelling Circus"".

Note that the Highlanders are mentioned but not the Toronto Regiment...did the latter embark on thew ship but were disembarked without sailing?


That said, Stacey wrote another report on 19 September 1941 which referred back to his original one and seems to have added more information. I have added that later report to my own and this is my draft:

"Further information states that after the German spearhead reached Abbeville on the Channel coast on 20 May, three days later the 1st Canadian Division ‘began to figure in the tactical picture’, and the G.O.C. 1st Canadian Division Major-General A.G.L. McNaughton went to France to examine the situation as the initial plan was to use a Brigade Group to reopen lines of communication with the armies in the north. On 24 May elements of the 1st Division actually embarked at Dover but with the ring closed and tightening on the armies falling back on Dunkirk, it was realised that the most urgent need was the defence of the mainland. Thus the troops disembarked and returned to Aldershot. On 26 May the plan of sending a Canadian Brigade Group to Dunkirk was revived, in order to help the withdrawal, and a move order was issued but countermanded a few hours later. On the 27th the plan was revived again, evidently the consequence of an appeal from Lord Gort and on that date the evacuation started. The same day saw the 1st Division along with ancillary troops receiving orders to move out of the training camp at Aldershot into an assembly area in the Northampton region ready to carry out its assigned role of defence of the British Isles, the plan being put into effect on 2 June. Then on 30 May, Churchill cabled Lord Gort, the B.E.F. commander with a note to be passed to the French that the U.K. would ‘build up a new B.E.F.’ with equipment for five divisions to include Canadian and Australian troops. By this time McNaughton had decided that the idea was foolish, and had resolved, if ordered to undertake the operation, to send as few troops as possible to make this ‘rather theatrical sacrifice’. On 5 June the 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade Group was warned for a move back to Aldershot the following day; the remainder of 1st Division was to follow on 7 June. These movements were the result of the contemplated move to France. On 7 June it had been decided that the Division would go to France in four convoys, sailing on 11, 13, 15 and 17 June; the balance of the non-divisional troops would follow in another convoy on 18 June. The Canadians were to form part of a Corps being created under the command of Lt.-Gen. Brooke the other divisions being the 51st, already in France, and the 52nd, ‘now en route. McNaughton never got beyond Plymouth. He had been informed that his Division would be concentrated in the close vicinity of Brest before moving up-country; and the first intimation he received that this plan had been changed was on 14 June. From 17 June the Canadians began to be evacuated from Brest, minus a considerable amount of supplies and vehicles which were destroyed. The destruction of the Canadian transport before re-embarkation was a source of great dissatisfaction to the Canadian troops and their commander. McNaughton made no particular secret of his dissatisfaction with the manner in which his troops were treated on this occasion. At a divisional conference on 20 June, McNaughton mentioned his dissatisfaction with the late events, but added that this incident was now over: the new task was resistance to an invasion ‘which may be attempted within the next few days’, and with a view to this function the Canadian Force was now in G.H.Q. Reserve, ‘a hard-hitting mobile force ready to proceed North, South, East or West’. However the delays in assembling and then delivering the vehicles gave rise to concerns and took time to make up. Their losses prejudiced the C.M.H.Q. planning for provision for the 2nd Division. The 1st Infantry Brigade Group which actually arrived in France, lost most of their M.T. and other equipment through destruction under orders before withdrawal. Of all the vehicles sent to the Continent, only 4,739 returned to England. The great majority of these had not been unloaded as they belonged to both the 52nd Division and 1st Canadian Division with a few saved by the 154th Brigade and the remainder represented those that had been loaded before the panic orders were received at the ports. The consequence was that when the Canadian Force moved to the Oxford area late in June, the units which had reached France were obliged to remain at Aldershot for re-equipment, and the force was thus one brigade group short. During the week ending 20 July, 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade and 1st Canadian Field Company moved to the Redhill area and returned to the order of battle. However 1st Canadian Field Regiment, 4the Canadian Ambulance and 1st Canadian Medium Regiment were still not included in the field force, the deficiencies now being mainly in M.T. In the course of the next few weeks the worst gaps were filled, and the 1st Canadian Division and the ancillary troops (now incorporated in 7 Corps) were in essentials prepared for battle. By then the 2nd Canadian Division were being landed".

David
The answer to some of your questions are related below. The Toronto Scottish according to their web site landed an advance party on the 12th of June before being ordered to return. The 48th carriers arrived at Brest and were dumped in the harbour with their engine running. The 48th Transport stopped about five miles out of St. Malo and disabled their vehicles by punching holes in the oil pans while the engine were running. A strange episode happened while waiting for the tide to come in the pipers of the 48th played some tunes. While playing about two hundred British soldiers came down out of the dunes onto the beach. It seems that they were not sure who the soldiers were until they heard the pipes.

Extracted from Dileas Vol II by Kim Beattie, Chapter 7

The Dover Dash was a subdued expedition compared to the mood of the Highlanders now. They were in a carnival spirit as they rolled into the bustling confusion of Millbay Dock at Plymouth,
early on June 13th. They jeered at the unlucky date, and went
stampeding aboard the old S.S. El Monsour, veteran of the Agiers-
Marseilles run, with the names of Foreign Legionnaires cut into her latrine walls.
Their careless good humour contrasted sharply with the air of
gloomy anxiety over the dock area. This began to irritate the High-
landers, especially the solemnity of the farewell arrangements. The Royal Marine Band played continuously, meaning to give them an impressive send-off, but the 48th declared their sprightliest marches had the undertone of a wake. Lord and Lady Astor arrived to see them off, but the peer was glum and his political lady fluttered about as if condolences to the doomed were in order.
The two-ship 1st Brigade convoy went out with the evening tide. The Hastings were aboard the Ville d'Alger, a scruffy French channel craft. Brigadier Armand Smith was O.C. Troops on the El Monsour, which was loaded with the R.C.R., an anti-tank company and the Brigade Staff, in addition to the 48th.
They found the ancient port of Brest jammed with refugees arriv-
ing from the interior, loaded down with all they now possessed,
often foolish things packed in the haste of panic. Now they were
stranded. A dismaying atmosphere of indifference marked the lounging poilus. There was no welcome for the Canadians from either military or civil France.
Army organization now blew up in a more colossal snafu than the 48th Highlanders experienced in two wars. They were almost fatally the victims of the historic muddle of all times for Canadian troops. The 1st Canadian Brigade was landed at Brest as France was on the verge of her tragic collapse as a free nation, and the infantry, including the 48th Highlanders, were sent deep into the confused interior-with the artillery in the lead!-without a higher headquarters of their own for contact and new orders, and with no liaison with London, the British Commander in France, or their own divisional headquarters.
For the Dunkirk expedition, a Canadian Advance H.Q. had been
organized to cross to France with the Canadian battle-group. This
time, General McNaughton established 1st Division H.Q. in England, back at Plymouth. There could as yet be no contact with General Alan Brooke in France because on this day (14th) he was just setting up a rudimentary headquarters near Le Mans, without even a typewriter, and then leaving to travel 170 miles along packed roads to see Weygand.
General McNaughton was sending the whole 1st Division over
by brigades: fortunately, only the 1st Brigade was risked in the trap of collapsing French resistance. He was following a plan based on a Brittany redoubt, where a last stand might be made on French soil. This had not gone beyond the proposal stage, and presumably General McNaughton was not aware the idea had never reached French-British agreement.
The effect of all this was to find the Canadians unloading rapidly, with Movement Control knowing nothing about the mystifying redoubt, or an assembly Northeast of Brest. It was a problem, but one which the army way can always solve. In 1939, the B.E.F. troops landing in Brest were sent to the Le Mans-Rennes-Laval area to assemble. So there, in June, 1940, the 1st Canadian Division was hastily hurried. There is nothing to suggest that this was not where General Brooke wanted, and expected them. His only plan at the beginning was to reinforce a reorganization of French forces, and this was the convenient area.
While rail transport was rounded up, the C.O. wisely sent out
foraging parties to purchase long sticks of French bread, cheese,
onions, any food they could buy. (Movement Control said rations
and water would be waiting at intervals, but he was dubious, and
the supplies proved a myth.) There was no regimental fund avail-
able, but the men's English money had been changed into francs aboard the El Monsour, and the Highlanders cheerfully tried to
ration themselves, not omitting a few surreptitious bottles of vin
blanc, as an insurance against troop-train boredom.
Movement Control appointed Colonel Haldenby O.C. Troops for
the 48th train, the usual procedure which left the senior officer
aboard, Brigadier Smith, clear of details. The Brigade staff, and the
anti-tank company was also aboard.
As they pulled away from Brest just before noon, Brigadier Smith still had no means to check his orders. He could not know if their Le Mans-Laval destination met the approval of either 1st Division H.Q. back in England or General Brooke, somewhere in the confusion ahead. He could only assume that Brest Movement Control knew what they were about.
And away went the 1st Canadian Brigade on a weird penetration of the interior of disintegrating France. The 48th train was bound for Sable-sur-Sarthe, roughly half-way between Brest and Paris, which the Germans were already bypassing on its flanks. The fleeing civilians were given the right-of-way, so the Highlanders' train moved fitfully. It was switched off the main line again and again to let refugee trains through; it jolted into movement, stopped and started and shunted and waited during long unexplained and exasperating delays. By such fits-and-starts they reached Rennes early in the evening, where there was another long delay.
This pause in Rennes presented a refreshment opportunity which was too good to waste. The Highlanders were soon eager customers of a civilian runner system, working from the train through the milling refugees to the wine shops of Rennes. The modest supply of wine contrived at Brest had soon evaporated, so this time they stocked up to the full extent of their French money. Good wines were purchased in bottles, and horrified old campaigners saw foolish young soldiers dumping their water to fill their bottles with vin rouge et vin blanc at 20 francs a fill.
As they went slowly on through the night, the countryside was not yet caught up with the awful terror of civilians in complete panic, but is was verging on that. At Laval, the point where the Hastings' train would turnabout, the railway officials seemed so frightened they were ready to stampede. Beyond, the plodding peasants streaming down to the roads in search of safety, began to hear ribald army songs in deep-throated choruses from crazy Canadians headed the wrong way. Until the vin blanc and its effects wore out, there were many encores from the 48th innocents, who were heading for trouble with the C.O., if not the enemy.
At 11:00 P.M., Colonel Haldenby held an O Group, to reveal something of the bad news heard at Laval, and since. The most disturbing thing was that reiterated phrase of accepted defeat: finie le guerre. At Laval, it was so often heard it was like a theme song of the defeated. "That's only civilian gabble-and frightened gabble, at that," said the Colonel. "We cannot plan or act on it. But when we reach Sable there may be dangerous confusion. All officers are to go to their commands, keep every man on board, and then remain with their men.
The only instructions for Sable had been to unload. The Colonel now gave two alternatives:
(i)-If the 1st Brigade must defend Sable, the 48th Highlanders will take up a position on the north bank of the river.
(ii)-If they must evacuate Sable, the 48th will take position in the woods to the north.
They awaited daylight during the last kilometres with a great
curiosity. As they rolled up to the station, there was much of confusion on the platform but no sign of threat. A veritable mountain of bicycles told how many refugees had reached Sable.


ESCAPE FROM DEBACLE


ON the Sable railway platform, Colonel Haldenby and Capt.
Johnston were met by a British R.T.O., an officer of the Inniskin-
ing Dragoons. He could not tell them much, but said he had orders
to turn them about. He produced neither the order nor his creden-
tials, and revealed more nervousness than a member of his respected Corps might be expected to show. They should flee! They should get out of Sable-which the excited, or scared R.T.O. shortly did. The situation called for debate, but the advice was accepted. This was after Col. Haldenby felt satisfied the R.T.O. was genuine following an interrogation which probably sprouted the newspaper report that the 48th Highlanders suspected the R.T.O. of Sable was a fifth columnist. The Canadian officers were momentarily doubtful, and it is true the defence in front of the German advance was being confused and softened by daring Germans in disguise, just as they did before the Marne in 1914. But the nervous Dragoon officer said his name was Oates, and he was accepted as valid after his answer to this question by Brigadier Haldenby: "Have you a relative whom I might know?"
The officer thought a moment, then said a relative had been with
Scott to the Antarctic. Brigadier Smith agreed with Col. Haldenby
that a German agent would be unlikely to know of the Capt. Oates who sacrificed his life to try to save Scott and his companions. (Of such strange threads are war destinies spun.)
Yesterday, General Brooke had met both General Weygand and
Georges, and found they did not have a coherent plan to continue
the fight. They had no suggestion on how the situation might yet
be retrieved. They were like bewildered onlookers, watching their
army being cut apart and defeated piecemeal. Weygand dejectly
said, "The French Army is disintegrating into disconnected groups." Georges said there were no reserves-"Not a man, not a vehicle or gun left." This meant General Brooke's hope was as vain to reinforce a composite force from the 7th and l0th French Armies as to further Weygand's idea for a Brittany redoubt.
The numb helplessness of the two French generals, which Brooke
saw, was the mark of a defeatism which had been mounting for days among France's military chiefs. The evil seed of surrender did not first sprout in the French people. It was the French General Staff, who had always considered themselves the traditional masters of land war, who had been first to say: "We have lost the battle." That was within the first few days of the German assault. They were so shocked and demoralized, they were soon saying, "We have lost the war," because they lost the first round.
That the morale of the French General Staff had utterly collapsed was evident on June 17th, when the dean of French Marshals, General Petain, new head of the French Government, announced that he had asked Hitler for an armistice. He did not bother to warn General Brooke before sending the word to the Corporal to dance his famous jig.
It was thus fortunate that General Brooke had seen, and accurately assessed the hopelessness of the French Generals two days before. It was his general order to evacuate France which first reached the R.T.Os. on the French railways on the 15th, and which the 48th heard about at Sable.
Preparations to defend themselves if the rail line were cut, were
made. The entire train was alerted, and all water-bottles filled. All
weapons were loaded. Bren gunners were placed at the doors for quick deployment into the fields. One 48th Company smashed its cars' window glass to avoid splinters if there was bombing. One AA gun had been mounted on a flat car from the beginning, and now another joined it with the help of a single railwayman. They were all gone now except the engineer of the 48th train, and he was an irate man. With fortunate forethought, the C.O. had him held aboard the cab when the rest decamped. He was now expostulating violently; he lived in Sable, and wanted to go home. He wanted out of his cab; he wanted to quit. "Finie le guerre!" he screamed. It was obvious an appeal to his patriotism would be a waste of breath. So the 48th provided "persuaders"-money and alcohol, in the hands of Capt. Darling, who would ride in the engineer's cab, and whose revolver holster's flap was pressed back to add menace.
That was supported by the presence of P.S.M. Jack Laurie, ex-
Hollinger hoist engineer, who said he could run the train. Two men mounted the coal truck, brandishing Tommy guns, and three
others pushed into the cab; they would be stokers. The engineer took a dismayed look at these odds, angrily refused a swig of vin blanc, and made a last attempt to escape. He said he must go and get his breakfast! The C.O. and Capts. Johnston and Darling were furious; the engineer understood the meaning, if not the words of Jack Laurie's growled: "Somebody tell the goddam
Frog he'll eat here--or else!"
It was 4:30 A.M. The entire Battalion was aboard, crowded at
the windows and staring at the early sky, nervously watching for
Stukas. P.S.M. Laurie gave the engine's whistle a defiant little toot and they began to move. As they started back to the coast and safety, and doomed France began falling into the depths, it was easy for the 48th Highlanders to feel they were leaving hell behind them with every clack of their wheels. They felt they were fleeing the debacle just in time.
Colonel Haldenby issued written orders before the Highlanders got away, to take care of contingencies-
(i) All men are to be fully advised of the Situation, and
to be ready to fight.
(ii) In the case of an attack, the train will proceed as far
west as possible.
(iii) If attacked by armoured units, the Battalion will at once detrain to fight off the Germans.
(iv) If the train has to be abandoned, platoons will move
independently as best they can to Nantes or St. Nazaire
(70 miles away).
There was an upgrade now, and they contrived to obtain both a
new engine and a new engineer at Laval before they went on.
At Rennes, they learned the Hastings train had turned about, and was well on its way to Brest. A private soldier of British Movement
Control, still on the job, gave Colonel Haldenby the first specific word that the 1st Brigade was to get back to Brest as it could. This was General Brooke's order catching up. Major Bill Hendrie relieved Capt. Darling on the engine at Bennes; he found the new engineer also considered himself forcibly kidnapped. Within a few miles, it was noticed by Major Merry that they were on the wrong line. At Dol, Major Hendrie reported that the engineer swore he had been instructed at Rennes to go to St. Malo, directly north from Rennes, and offering a shorter run than to Brest. But the French R.T.O. at Dol declared the engineer was a liar; he must have chosen St. Malo himself. He promised to switch them to a secondary line to take them to Brest. He was also either a liar, or the engineer outwitted him, for it was at St. Malo they arrived.

THE MIRACLE OF ST. MALO

The 48th Highlanders were later inclined to call this sequence
of confused events as the miracle of St. Malo; they reached
the ancient port by mistake; only a single ship was still there under orders to evacuate British troops, and they caught it!
It was the S.S. Biarritz, already loaded beyond its normal capacity
with disorganized remnants of escaping B.E.F. units. Fishing boats
on the beach were first investigated, but there were no crews. Colonel Haldenby saw that the entire personnel of the Canadian train must go on the overcrowded Biarritz or be left in France.
There was then an apprehensive wait for the morning tide. St.
Malo was a harbour only by grace of her locks, and the Biarritz was trapped in the basin until the tide rose. Enemy air attack was expected all night long; several other French ports were being heavily bombed, and there was no reason why St. Malo should be immune, but the night passed undisturbed.
Space for 800 in reasonable comfort might have been found aboard the Biarritz, but as daylight was breaking she was carrying more than 2,000. No one cared, or worried about such minor things as life-boats and rafts, especially after a good meal. Their escape ship sailed at 4:00 A.M., the last allied craft to use St. Malo. As they drew beyond the outer lock, a violent explosion shook the sea; the lock had been blown to render St. Malo's harbour useless to the enemy.
As the explosion's reverberations died away over the dark morn escape was close. The port officials were in such a panic they would not have delayed the demolition. A British destroyer (at 0800 hours) and then a flying boat, coming low for a look at them (1100 hours) were both reassuring. They passed the Isle of Wight at 2:00 in the afternoon, and were landing at Southampton three hours later.
They were praying in unison that it would not be Corunna again, as they pulled out of Southampton. The C.O. heard, and decided to hold off knowledge of that unhappy fate as long as possible. He had them brought in at nearby Farnborough. But they knew where they were-Aldershot!-and in deep and blasphemous disgust they dumped their packs in their familiar places in Corunna just before midnight-too late to make the pubs!

THE TRANSPORT AND CARRIERS

Early on the 18th, Lts. Wallace and McLaren arrived back from
Brest, with tales of their anti-aircraft effort, and at 9:30 Lt. Wright turned up with 13 men of the Carrier Platoon; the rest were
coming. They also had a tale to tell. With the Carrier Platoon safely home, the Regiment became seriously worried about the fate of Lt. Mackenzie and his transport drivers. There had been no word. Apprehension grew through the 18th. A list was typed, ready for insertion in Orders, under the heading: "The following are SOS, missing believed prisoners-of-war..."
When they arrived on the 19th, they were greeted like men escaped from a prisoners' cage. Their story completed the account of the great Canadian snafu."We came back to England in style," related Lt. Mackenzie, "crowded into a little pleasure launch which would have looked at home on Toronto Bay." They landed at Falmouth.
On the 20th, Ottawa had received a report that perhaps 100
to 200 Canadians might be missing, left behind in France, but this
dwindled to 6 men. Only 1 remained a prisoner until the end of
the war, a member of the Hastings; 1 man was killed in a road accident; the other 4 men escaped, including Pte. George Thompson of the 48th Highlanders. He had been attached to Brigade, and was taken violently ill while near Sable. It was obvious he had acute appendicitis, and must have immediate medical attention. He was rushed to a civilian hospital, and admitted only because he was an emergency case. His friends left, feeling they were forsaking him, leaving him helpless in the hands of the enemy. That was soon true; he was taken prisoner. (Foray to France Postscript (3): Pte. Thompson learned French while acting as a hospital orderly; with the help of the Underground he escaped through Spain into Portugal, and reach Gourock, Scotland, on March 17th, 1941.)
A total of 136,000 British troops, 20,000 Poles and 310 guns were evacuated from France during June 17th and 18th. it was a second Dunkirk, but without the pressure; there was no enemy interference except from the air. Because saving vehicles was less important than saving men, the 1st Canadian Division lost 216 of their new Canadian vehicles. All Canadian guns were saved. There was ample time to save every vehicle, too, but an element of pure panic gripped the officials at all the French ports, perhaps because Dunkirk was such a recent memory. At Brest, the evacuation was carried out in such an atmosphere of needless desperation there was failure to utilize the full cargo space available. The R.C.H.A. saved its guns only after vociferous argument with the port authorities, and was moved to record disgustedly in its diary: "Although there was evidently no enemy within 200 miles, the withdrawal was conducted as a rout."
The best that can he said is that the evacuation fitted the pattern of the rest of the operation. The foray to France by the Canadians in June, 1940, had started in confusion, and it seemed ordained to finish in confusion. It would have ended in much worse had it not been for the judgement, decision and resolution of General Alan Brooke, who won Churchill's agreement to evacuate the British Army---in time.

[David_Hayward (RIP)]

Thank you for that...what a fiasco and yet it could have been much, much worse in the end. My information has it that:

"There then followed an evacuation from the Channel Islands, which was concluded by 28 June. St. Malo was also evacuated on 16/17 June after a call to Channel Islanders to provide craft to evacuate troops from the port, with the blowing-up of the dock gates", so it may have been that there were trapped troops after the ship sailed for Southampton. Further: "There were, as can be imagined, other, much less publicised mass evacuation of personnel: from Cherbourg, Brest, Bordeaux, amongst others and was in addition to the evacuation by civilians back to the U.S. and the U.K. from France, Spain and Portugal. This was undertaken in the less well-known Operation Aerial by fleets of small craft, many of whom were Dunkirk veterans".

I have information from this forum that about 50 DND-pattern trucks were left behind, and I have assumed that they were F.15s although after reviewing in detail today all my evidence I have to say that there could have been a mixture of F.15 and C.15 trucks. If anyone knows otherwise, please advise as I could do with this information for my thesis.

I am tempted to have a go at a book on the Canadian involvement in France in 1940, because the contribution should be recognised I feel.

[David_Hayward (RIP)]

Ihave just noted in my draft thesis that there is a particular if not dramatic, irony here in that the Candian 1st Division which landed back at Southampton by the 18th June had lost their 50 or so DND-pattern trucks that had only just recently been assembled in the Canadian Mechanization depot at Southampton. Of course the Germans were grateful for the booty and turned them into Umbauwagen or rebuilt/repaired them for further service in Russia or perhaps North Africa.